Randomized voting with observers
نویسنده
چکیده
The voting protocol we present here aims for the usual goals of voter privacy and verifiability. However, we also impose the restrictions that we do not trust the administering body (or its agents) and that we do not want to use sophisticated cryptography. Other protocols have been suggested under similar constraints and with similar solutions to ours. The protocol ours most closely resembles is the Twin voting system of Rivest and Smith [2]. Our protocol is significantly more complicated than Twin. We feel that this added complication yields two main benefits. First, a significant portion of the voters get to verify their own ballots, rather than the ballots of earlier voters. Second, certain independent observers are able to directly verify (to a certain degree) the aggregate results of the election. Our mechanism for allowing some voters to check their own ballots is most easily viewed as a minor modification to Twin (with which we assume familiarity on the part of the reader). We call this new version TwinPrime. In Twin, the voter receives a randomly selected “red” ballot, cast by a previous voter, from a bin. However, at this stage in TwinPrime, a randomly selected red ballot is placed in a canister along with the red ballot just produced by the current voter. The canister is closed, mixed and opened. One ballot is presented to the voter to take home and the other ballot is returned to the bin. This allows one out of every two voters to take home her own receipt. We will refer to this procedure as a Potential Ballot Swap (PBS). If desired, a window could be added to the canister so that the voter can determine whether she ultimately receives her own ballot before she even retrieves it. While the PBS is a small modification, we feel that TwinPrime will lead to more confidence in the election than Twin. This is for two reasons. First, there is a psychological benefit to seeing that your own vote is listed on the PBB. Second, we assume that more voters will be motivated to check the PBB if they know they have their own receipt. Of course, allowing some voters to retain their own ballots opens the door to coercion, but we feel that such coercion would be inefficient enough to not be attractive (see [1] for an analysis). If this were still a concern, the odds of a voter receiving her own ballot could easily be reduced to 1 out of m by placing m − 1 red ballots in the canister along with the red ballot produced by the current voter. We now turn to the aforementioned independent observers. In our view, a significant drawback of most verification schemes is that each individual voter is, at best, only allowed to verify a correspondly small part of the results. While this may suffice to ensure integrity of the results on a mathematical level, it does not give each voter a trusted, broad view of the election. The independent voters act as powerful, proxy checkers who have access to much more information than any one voter. A given voter will hopefully have a modicum of trust in at least one of the observers. We remind the reader that the details of our scheme can be found in [1]. We now describe the role played by these observers. First, assume that n > 0 observers (such as the LWV) have been registered at a given polling station. After casting her ballot, a voter is given n+1 identical receipts. The voter gives one receipt to the administering body. Then she determines a value 0 ≤ k ≤ n by rolling an (n + 1)-sided die. If k = 0, she gives one of her remaining receipts to each of the observers and then exits the polling station empty handed. If k > 0, she gives one receipt to each observer except observer k. She then performs an PBS with observer k, exiting the station with a receipt that may or may not be her own.
منابع مشابه
Social Pressure, Transparency, and Voting in Committees
We examine the consequences of vote transparency in committees whosemembers fear being blamed by partisan observers for casting an unfavorable vote. We show that such social pressure, like optimal taxation, can improve the collective decision by mitigating a voting externality. Hence, institutions may adopt public voting when the fear of blame is too little, and secret voting when the fear is t...
متن کاملUndervote and Pattern Voting: Vulnerability and a mitigation technique
Highly secure and auditable voting systems have been developed recently that open up the possibility of not only voting systems that claim to be secure, but ones that can actually be verified as secure and audited to the satisfaction of third party observers. Yet, these systems are still in development and do not yet handle all of the cases that arise in real-world elections. This extended abst...
متن کاملHas Television Personalized Voting Behavior?
Scholars and political observers have suggested that television has ‘‘personalized’’ voting behavior in American presidential elections by encouraging citizens to cast ballots on the basis of candidate image and personality. Though an oft-heard assertion, little solid evidence exists that this is true, and the reinvigoration of partisanship and the persistence of ideological conflict suggest pe...
متن کاملApproximately Strategy-Proof Voting
The classic Gibbard-Satterthwaite Theorem establishes that only dictatorial voting rules are strategy-proof; under any other voting rule, players have an incentive to lie about their true preferences. We consider a new approach for circumventing this result: we consider randomized voting rules that only approximate a deterministic voting rule and only are approximately strategy-proof. We show t...
متن کاملPaving the way for electoral reform
Electronic voting systems are being introduced, or trialled, in several countries to provide more efficient voting procedures with an increased level of security. However, current deployment has resulted in catastrophic failure due to unrealistic trust assumptions. In particular, the trustworthiness of hardware/software and election officials has been assumed. In practice, it is very difficult ...
متن کاملThe Provision of Public Goods in an Economy with Ethnic Divisions∗
Many observers have argued that ethnic divisions make public goods more difficult to provide. This paper examines the provision of public goods in an economy with ethnic divisions. Households feel altruistically toward other households in their ethnic group. The amount of public goods in private contribution equilibrium is generally in decreasing in the amount of ethnic diversity. Public goods ...
متن کامل